“Avatar” Descending

A number of Sanskrit words familiar to all Kṛṣṇa devotees have become incorporated into Standard English. “Karma,” “mantra,” “yoga,” “avatar”—all grace the pages of current dictionaries, and show up in contemporary writings innocent of any italics, the ID statutorily pinned on foreign words. These words belong.

Among them, “avatar” shines most radiantly in the spotlights of popular attention. Just last week The New York Times took note: “Fan Fever is Rising for Debut of ‘Avatar.’” The article thus headlined described the scarcely containable ecstatic anticipations for director James Cameron’s SF film titled “Avatar”—slated for a December release—“which tells the story of a disabled soldier who uses technology to inhabit an alien body on a distant planet.” The film’s advanced, proprietary three-dimensional technology is expected to evince “the power to penetrate the brain in a way that movies never have.” The studio promises, as the Times puts it, a “transcendental 3-D experience.”

avatar_promo_artwork Avatar Movie News: The Unofficial Site

Maybe the word “avatar,” having itself descended from Sanskrit into common speech, still comes “trailing clouds of glory.” Does the very word cast its glow on the movie? Even the director fears his work may disappoint. After all, we all know that the transcendence proffered by Hollywood has ever proven elusive, evanescent, and illusory.

The word “avatar” entered English surprisingly long ago. The Oxford English Dictionary records its first usage in a 1784 article by the Indologist William Jones, who reports on the “ten Avatars or descents” of Viṣṇu. But the OED attests to a fairly swift adaptation of the word to a more general use—this to me marks its true incarnation into the English language—as in 1815, when Napoleon Bonaparte is described as an “avatar . . . of the Evil Principle.”

Other citations show the word being used of any individual who seems to exemplify or embody a higher power or force. In the same century “avatar” is used to indicate any ruling power or object of veneration. For example, the annual performances in Bayreuth, Germany, of Richard Wagner’s operas are described in 1883 as “the completest and most characteristic avatars of art our century can shew.” In addition, the OED records a looser usage, still in the nineteenth century, where “avatar” simply means a manifestation, display, or phase of something, as in this 1880 example: “Wit and sense are but different avatars of the same spirit.”

It seems that “avatar” was ushered into wider usage by the sixties counterculture. An underground magazine, for example, published in Boston and New York (1967 and ’68) bore the Avatar title:

nyav7

Over time, the word got swept up from the underground by more mainstream concerns. I remember reading in the ’80s press reports of some financial wizard, revered for conjuring up money out of nothing, being called “the avatar of arbitrage.”

Yet the word really came into its own with the advent and ascendance in the ’90s of the MMORPG, otherwise known as Massively Multiplayer Online Role Playing Game. (You can find a list here.) Each human player must assume or create a distinctive persona for entering and acting in the virtual world of the game. That persona is called an avatar. Here is “avatar” as defined by wisegeek.com:

In Hindu mythology, an avatar is a deity that has taken on an earthly form, most often that of a human, in order to bring higher consciousness to the earth that the Hindu gods created. As humans create virtual worlds, it could be said that the computer avatar represents human incarnation into its own creation. Religious affiliations aside, the computer avatar holds a rich and conceptually provocative namesake.

With the airing of the award-wining animated television series (and subsequent full-length TV movie) “Avatar: The Last Airbender” on the Nickelodeon network (2005-08), the word—and even some of its traditional implications—became well established among the six-to-eleven year-old audience. The huge success of these enterprises engendered a projected feature-film trilogy, bearing the “Avatar” title. The next part of the story is conveyed in deadpan style in “the unofficial site for the Avatar 3D movie:”

In January 2007, Paramount Pictures announced a live-action adaptation of Avatar: The Last Airbender under M. Night Shyamalan and said that the project’s name had been registered to the Motion Picture Association of America for movie title ownership, though a 20th Century Fox representative for James Cameron’s Avatar indicated that the studio owned the movie title. Paramount eventually retitled its film as merely The Last Airbender.

Eventually!” I’m sure this innocent-seeming word masks a soul-stiring, epic battle, worthy in itself of a gripping and edifying cinematic saga: Fox and Paramont in War of the Avatars!

Such, then, is the astounding apotheosis of the word “avatar.” This extraordinary cultural development did not escape the notice of the alert editors of The New York Times, who went so far as to call a hip guest authority to report the matter. Check out his account in the regular “On Language” column of its Sunday Magazine (August 10, 2008). You will find out even more.

Coming Attraction: “Avatar” Rising, or Where Do We Go From Here?

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Miss Fashioned

Not everyone sees with as careful an eye as Kennedy Fraser, the fashion writer for The New Yorker, whom I quoted in last week’s posting. She extolled the costume of the Krishna devotees, “whose apricot robes come into their own when they are not swathed in mufflers.” The notable word here is “apricot,” remarkable for its precision. It’s the exact color we wore in 1971:

apricotAPRICOT

We devotees conventionally called it “saffron,” but this is saffron:

saffron2SAFFRON

To this day you rarely see it in ISKCON, even in its lighter version:

saffron-light

Sometimes, in an effort to be more realistic, we used to call our robes “peach” or “orange”:

peachPEACH

orange-cORANGE

But our robes were neither of these colors. “Apricot” is the exactly right word.

Among the various misrepresentation of Krishna couture, I am most intrigued by the photograph that graces the cover of The Strange World of the Hare Krishnas, by Faye Levine. In researching her work, Ms. Levine lived in the New York temple—then located in a former Sisters of Charity nursing home on Henry Street in Brooklyn—during the month of December, 1972. A dedicated researcher, Ms. Levine followed the temple schedule, chanted japa with the devotees every morning, went out regularly on saṅrtana, and received confidences from a number of female devotees. To the envy of some of her fellow ashram residents, she was granted a lot of personal time by the sannyātemple president, with whom, she confesses, she eventually fell in love. Her narrative saw light as a straight-to-paperback publication by Fawcett Publications in March, 1974, when I picked it up for ninety-five cents off a Philadelphia drugstore bookrack.

Here is its cover:

strange-world

I recognized right way, from the building looming over the trees, that the photograph was taken in Central Park: a shot of a saṅrtana party in the Park on a fall day. I noticed that the woman was not wearing a sari; instead an Indian-print bedspread was gracelessly draped around her. Nor did a pair of proper karatālas appear in her hands; a strand of gift-shop brass bells dangled instead. The fingers of the brahmacā on the left rested on a drumhead, but it was not a mṛdaṅga. The other shaven-headed brahmacā has no śikhā. The outer cloth on both was clumsily tied. But the real clincher was the tilaka mark on the forehead of the drummer—a wide V with arms diverging from the bridge of the nose over the crown of the head.

The photo was a fake. Staged with paid models by someone who had never looked closely at devotees, it tried to visually reproduce a standard verbal description: “You see them chanting outdoors, the women wrapped in saris with their heads covered, the men with shaven heads in pink robes. They ring bells and beat drums and paint a ‘V’ of clay on their foreheads. . . .”

The cover was clearly the job of the publisher. On her own part, Ms. Levine had become a keen appreciator of devotee apparel, both female and male:

According to the devotees the saris and dhotis are “spiritual garments,” appropriate for spiritual advancement. From my own experience I would say that when a woman puts on her first sari she gets a rush of understanding: so this is how the female form is supposed to be clothed! The diagonal drapery is quite interesting, very different from tighter-fitting western dress, which is monotonously organized along horizontal and vertical axes. . . . Though women in India make the sari sexy by wearing a great variety of colors and patterns, drawing it tightly across the hips, and showing a lot of skin, the Hare Krishna women handle the same garment puritanically. With long shirts and sweaters underneath, they never expose their midriffs, arms, necks, or hair—an extreme of dress style not seen in modern India.

Hare Krishna men in their natural habitat at the temple, on the other hand, usually do look sexy. Their flowing dhoti has a classical air. Often they are barefoot and barechested. Long expanses of leg can be seen when they walk, This virile effect is undermined by the overcoats, muffler, boots, and sneakers they wear to preach in the winter city.

But in midsummer, temple feasts go outdoors, and in public chanting parties need not encumber themselves with the paraphernalia of keeping warm. Then the devotees become a flower-like panorama, a gentle rainbow in white, pink, yellow, saffron. Their simple robes actually enhance their individuality. Cotton cloth floats in the sun and wind, fabric curves gracefully over the human form, and one is reminded of the lost purity of the ancient civilization.

There’s a nice concordance here between this appreciation and that of Kennedy Fraser, although it must be admitted that Ms. Fraser’s judgment seems to be the more disinterestedly aesthetic one.

Speaking of agreement, Faye Levine has recorded in her Fawcett paperback an appreciation of Prabhupāda’s early English writing similar to my own (November 25). Ms. Levine proffers an endearing comparison—one that never occurred to me. She writes:

In the first edition of his Bhagavatam, printed in India, there were many typographical errors. Yet an immense power shone through. The tone was as magical as, and occasionally reminiscent of, the tone of the young modern poet Bob Dylan.

Compare:

Please therefore, go away immediately towards the northern side without any knowledge of your relatives because in the near future after this the time is approaching which will diminish man’s good qualities . . .

You must leave now/Take what you need,/You think it will last/But whatever you wish to keep,/You better grab it fast. Yonder stands your orphan,/With his gun Crying like a fire in the sun./Look out the Saints are comin’ through/And IT’S ALL OVER NOW, BABY BLUE.


No such appreciations mitigate the erroneous representation of the garb of a Hare Krishna devotee in George Romero’s 1978 horror classic Dawn of the Dead. Artistic license may be granted for the presentation of a devotee as a zombie—what offense could yield that fate?—but there is no excuse for the egregious errors in costume.

These can be studied most conveniently by examining the seven-inch action figure offered by Cult Classics Series 6: “Hare Krishna Zombie—Features Supply Boxes, Tambourine and Diorama Base. ” It is available from amazon.com.

I have this artifact before me as I write. The back of the packaging helpfully states:

Left to wander the hallways and stockrooms of the mall, the Hare Krishna Zombie almost makes Francine one of his victims. She narrowly escapes his grasp, leaving the Krishna Zombie clutching his tambourine and fumbling amongst the cardboard boxes.

You can get an idea from these:

hare-krishna-zombie-1bzombie-2zombie-3

As a devotee, I hope that ISKCON Communications will note these errors and see to it that all future Hare Krishna zombies are properly represented.

Of course, as an Iskconologist I am quite satisfied to immerse myself into the rich semiotics of misrepresentation presented by this artifact. There’s a whole doctoral dissertation in this seven inch figure—several, actually—and this is but a little part of a large and rich field of study, already being explored by intrepid pioneers.

Let me offer a final image for your meditation in Iskconology:

strange-world-bc

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Looking Good

For me, it was déjà vu all over again. One more episode in the Fashion Wars.

The Florida town of Rivera Beach, reported Monday’s New York Times, faced a legal challenge over its ordinance banning the “young men’s ‘sagging pants’ look, with trousers slung low enough to reveal a generous swath of boxer shorts.”

The defense put on the stand its star witness: Chelsea Rousso “a former New York fashion designer who is now a fashion instructor at the Art Institute of Fort Lauderdale.” Ms. Rousso, described by The Times as “looking uptown chic on the witness stand in a three-quarter-length embroidered jacket and a knit black dress by Ellen Tracy,” displayed pictures of the soccer star David Beckham, Prince Harry, and others, all sporting drooping trousers.

The expert witness went on to testify that “the low-slung pants look is one that has gone from ‘tribal’ to mainstream.”

“It started out as an expressive concept, and it went mainstream,” Ms. Rousso said. “A lot of people picked up on it, with the social ramifications that went with it.”

I’ve lived through three fashion uproars myself, and I can back up Ms. Rousso. Fashion is indeed a very expressive language: it makes a statement. And it is often intended to provoke uproar. Call it a “loud conversation.”crackdown-on-indecency

It’s déjà vu all over. I remember my first fashion war of the late 50s: In my junior high school, blue jeans were banned. Why? “Nice boys” had inexplicably began wearing denim jeans—the disreputable garb of Negros, Mexicans, and “white trash.” Our teen-rebel blue jeans added their own grammar: They had to be worn tight, low, and beltless. Like Elvis Presley. The most desirable haircut (also Elvis’s) sent an even louder message. If you sported one, you were in danger, in some towns, to get your hair shorn off by the police:

ducktail-hair

No sooner had the fashions and music of the fifties youth rebellion entered the mainstream, than the next one sprang up to replace it. The sixties counterculture articulated its own “expressive concepts” in hair, clothing, music, and even transportation:

hippie-portrait

frank-zappa

hippie-bus1

By the time this happened, I was studying religion in graduate school. I was into the counterculture; I owned a real pea coat; my hair was, well, longish; my friends were, by and large, hippies. Most of the religion department took me for a real hippie. But my friends didn’t mistake me for one of them: I was, after all, in graduate school.

It was one of my “hippie” buddies who took me to a Hare Krishna temple, and that led, to my everlasting surprise, to my next fashion change. I joined the Hare Krishnas: I wrapped myself in a dhotī; shaved my head, leaving the tuft of hair called a śikhā on the back, and showed up one day like that at the Department of Religion.

This last transformation naturally ignited an uproar with my parents and a somewhat more sedate one with the religion department.

In fact, most of the early disciples of Prabhupāda were drawn from the sixties counterculture, a feature highlighted in the first academic book about ISKCON, Hare Krishna and the Counterculture by J. Stillson Judah. At first, mainstream society took the devotees for a kind of hippie sub-sect.

But those who joined ISKCON in those days were, in reality, double drop-outs: from mainstream society into the counterculture, from the counterculture into the Hare Krishna movement. By going further out, the devotees came back around: they took vows of “no intoxication” and “no illicit sex,” and obeyed a routine that closely resembled medieval monastic life.

Krishna devotees were definitely not hippies, yet their first social niche belonged within the counterculture. Where they were very, very “far out.”

In the counterculture, “far out” denoted a highly valued state. The possession of far-out-ness empowered one to “freak out” ordinary citizens. All the hippies I knew referred to themselves, approvingly, as “freaks.” “Hippie” was an outsider’s word, a journalist’s word.

The mission of the freak, to “blow the minds” of the straight citizens, was supposed to detonate their mental barriers and open their minds to the ecstatic perception of the surrounding world as single vast intelligent living organism, of which we are all part-and-parcel.

The devotees of Krishna recognized that world—it was the viśva-rūpa, Krishna’s “universal form”—and went beyond it, far beyond it.

At my first meeting with Krishna devotees, it was clear to me that they had won the far-out-ness competition hands down. No one blew minds like the American Hare Krishnas. I assumed initially that they knew this, and I basely suspected them of showing off. But I quickly realized that they didn’t even think or care about being far out. They thought they were normal.

I gave some time to thinking about their tonsure. On the one hand, they shaved off their long hippie hair; when shaving their heads, the men used to take the razor across the scalp twice, first with the grain and then against it, thus achieving the smoothness of a ping-pall ball. And they shaved weekly. Even my Army officer father—who waged war on long hair and personally barbered the heads of all his sons—had not been so close, so exacting.

On the other hand, the devotees left the long śikhā at the back. And in those earlier days, they wore their śikhās very long and loose: it was what remained of their former flower-child locks.

This hairstyle expressed to what seemed to me to be the mind-blowing, transcendent synthesis of Krishna consciousness: the devotees were simultaneously further right than the most reactionary conservatives, and further left than the most radical liberals. And both sides achieved integration, a single coherent whole.

This is a tonsure of “expressive concept” with “social ramifications” that Chelsea Rousso should appreciate.

Here’s an ISKCON painting, circa 1969, made for the cover of Easy Journey to Other Planets. Showing a devotee going “far out,” it records how the men wore their śikhās in the early days:

easy-journey-sikha

It is interesting to note that the shaven-head-with-śikhā tonsure is actually a style of ancient vintage:

ancient-sikha

Here’s a contemporary ISKCON śikhā, knotted in the manner proscribed by ISKCON’s Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava tradition:

sikha

When I moved into the ISKCON temple with my wife and children in 1971, I underwent the total Hare Krishna fashion make-over. It was the only way to join in those days. The style of a rigid and confrontational alienation from mainstream society was, I believe, something the devotees had unconsciously adapted from the hippie counterculture.

Still it had its distinct advantages. Withdrawing cold turkey from the consumer society facilitated the uprooting of the fabled American Dream from the heart.

My former affinities for the counterculture had not rendered me a freak and a drop out, but Hare Krishna had done the job, taking me beyond even the beyond.

Our expressive fashions—being “religious garb”—had legal protections not afforded ducktail haircuts or saggy pants. But deviance is still deviance, weird still weird. The police were alert. I heard about a group of devotees traveling in an old school bus through the deep South. A state trooper pulled them over. From the front of the vehicle, redolent with incense, the speechless trooper beheld for the first time the flowing dhotīs and sarīs, the foreheads marked with the twin-lines of white tilaka, the shining bald craniums sprouting luxurious pony-tails. Finally he announced: “Ah’m gonna do y’all a favor. Ah’m gonna put y’all in jail.” And indeed he did.

I suffered arrest with some other devotees while chanting on the sidewalk of a small town outside Philadelphia. After securing the volunteer service of a local ACLU lawyer, we returned for our trial. Preparing to give testimony, I was put under oath by the court clerk. Looking at me askance, he said: “Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you”—he paused a beat—“your God?”

We were different, and our fashion went out of the way to show it. The women in sarīs did not seem to cause much consternation, but men in dhotīs raised all kinds of alarms.

One devotee had reported for an Army draft physical in full Krishna regalia, earnestly courting rejection. Afterwards, he showed me the offical report on his appearance. An Army psychiatrist described his dhotī as “a large diaper.” That, taken together with the hairless head, suggested to the shrink a “highly infantilized appearance.” The Army did not want him.

I found it hard, in the beginning, to be a freak, and it took me some time to feel comfortable in my robes and shaven head. Especially because six days a week found me with the other devotees drawing attention to ourselves by chanting and distributing literature on the corner of Broad and Chestnut. There the large diapers raised eyebrows. In any case, in those days extreme bagginess was not at all in fashion. Some read the robes as a sign of sexual immorality. One suburban matron upbraided me for appearing in public “half-naked, draped in bed sheets.”

Even as I gradually began to like the style, growing into it, I feared my adjustment might be a kind of narcissistic self-delusion. Especially since the people passing by on the downtown sidewalks were starting to look more and more strange to me.

And then succor arrived from an unexpected source.

Enclosed in a letter my wife received from her sister Suzanne—who lived in the upscale Chicago suburb of Winnetka—was a clipping from a recent issue of New Yorker magazine (July 27, 1971). This was an installment of the regular feature “On and Off the Avenue: Feminine Fashions” by Kennedy Fraser, a writer highly esteemed for the excellence of her taste and of her prose as well. She began her piece: “During a slow walk along Fifth Avenue on Wednesday last, many thousands of costumes passed by me; I was struck by a mere handful of costumes that had any semblance of dignity, simplicity, or taste.” Among these few, she noted the outfit that “belonged to a follower of the Krishna Consciousness band, whose shaven heads are enviable on steamy days and whose apricot robes come into their own when they are not swathed in mufflers.”

Here was an expert’s confirmation of my own judgment. I wasn’t deluded. The devotees were looking good. And if the urban passers-by seemed to be looking worse—to me as well as to Ms. Fraser—perhaps it was because popular fashion was entering an era of more-than-usual gracelessness:

70s-lady

70s-models

Since then, I’ve not changed my fashion much. But the world has changed. I got an inkling that something was afoot in the late 80s, when aboard a jumbo jet from London. The seat across the aisle from me was occupied by a boy of about thirteen or fourteen. He kept staring at me. Finally he blurted out: “Mister, you sure have a cool haircut!”

I thought: “Cool at last!”

Then a little later, the straight-edge Krishna band Shelter was staying in our Philadelphia temple and attracting a steady stream of youthful followers. One day I overheard a band member berating a fan.

It seemed the follower had worn a dhotī to a show without permission. Band members wanted to restrict dhotīs to those they considered serious and knowledgeable about Krishna consciousness. This kid had been told not to wear a dhotī, but he’d done it any way. The conversation went something like this:

Shelter member: Why did you wear a dhotī? You’re not ready. We told you no dhotī!

Boy: Well, I wanted to, you know, just to add more Krishna consciousness, to make things more Krishna conscious.

Shelter member: No! That’s not the reason! You just wanted to be cool!

Boy: People were coming to me and asking about Krishna consciousness, so I thought I could speak about it, you know, more authoritatively if—

Shelter: No, no, you just wanted to be cool. Admit it! Comon, admit it! You just wanted to be cool!

Boy (resignedly): Yeah, yeah. You’re right. I admit it, I admit it. I just wanted to be cool.

And then, on a flight to Los Angeles, a flight attendant stopped by my seat. “Look at you,” he said. “What is that you’re wearing?” I explained what a dhotī was. “It’s so attractive,” he said. (I knew he wasn’t coming on to me: the days anything like that happened were long past.) I told him a dhotī was extremely comfortable as well. Where could he get one? I directed him to Govinda’s Boutique next to our LA temple. Someone there, I explained, could teach him how to put it on.

The attendant returned to his duties. If the gays take it up, I thought, maybe it’ll become really fashionable.

Something was in the air, anyway. Around the same time, The New York Times carried a long piece about fashion designers turning to religion and spirituality for inspiration. One instance cited:

The designer John Bartlett created a rope-belted monk’s coat last season, which will be carried by Charivari, Bergdorf Goodman and Barney’s New York and was recently bought by the actor Robin Williams. And this season Mr. Bartlett went Hare Krishna, with loose orange robes. “Personally speaking, there’s nothing sexier than a monk or a Hare Krishna,” he said. “They’re so inaccessible.”

Our fashion has a serious purpose: to remind us of Krishna. Every morning after my bath, I look in the mirror and decorate my body. I mark my forehead and eleven other places with the clay tilaka symbol of Viṣṇu’s temple. In this way, I consecrate my body to the service of God. My clothes, my tonsure, remind me and others of Krishna. That is our fashion’s “expressive concept.”

No fashion could be more expressive than tattooing. It’s another item, like blue jeans, that moved from the margins into the mainstream. Krishna devotees have engaged it to make their own statements:

krishna-tattoo-1

krishna-tattoo-2

krishna-tattoo-3This devotee’s devanāgārī tattoo reads, on the top line, “Hare Kṛṣṇa Hare Kṛṣṇa Kṛṣṇa Kṛṣṇa Hare Hare,” and on the bottom, “Hare Rāma Hare Rāma Rāma Rāma Hare Hare.”

For many years I’ve worn the traditional chadars with mantra of Krishna’s name of on them. Last year something new happened: Whenever I went out with a chadar around my neck, one lady or another would invariably say, “That’s a nice scarf,” or “I like your scarf.” Sure enough, wearing the divine names is mainstream:

chadars-2

The year I joined the temple—thirty-eight years ago—National Geographic happened to feature an article on India. The cover photograph, showing a traditional devotee of Lord Rāmacandra, must have then struck most Westerners as very weird. Very “far out.” But nowadays, perhaps, no longer so strange:

ng-coverThis devotee’s tattoos, as well as her scarf, proclaim “Rāma Rāma Rāma Rāma Rāma Rāma Rāma….”

Now there’s an in-your-face fashion statement, for sure.

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The Secret of Rāma

Earlier this month we celebrated Rāma-navamī, the appearance of Rāmacandra. That occasion offered me the opportunity to provide our congregation with the real import of Rāma-līlā, explaining what the activities of Rāmacandra reveal to us about our own lives in this world.

The story of Rāma is widely known. The original Rāmāyaṇa, Vālmīlki’s epic Sanskrit verse narration, remains revered, much read and recited. The work has spawned myriads of retellings in vernacular languages on the Indian subcontinent and across Southeast Asia as well. Many of these have become famous in their own right. More recently, narrative has been taken up by other media: a multitude of popular films, feature-length animations, television series, and, last but not least, comic books or “graphic novels,” all these broadcast the story of Rāma.

For all that, the meaning of Rāmāyaṇa—as I discovered to my surprise—remains almost completely unknown, even to its ardent fans. Famous though it is, the knowledge it conveys remains hidden. Secret, in other words. Esoteric.

I am privileged to know that secret only because Prabhupāda disclosed it. And I have disclosed it in turn. So it is, and has always been, an open secret. It is hiding in plain sight: present for all to see, yet none of us can apprehend it until we’re prepared to recognize it. Until we are no longer—as the psychologists say—“in denial.”

Rāmacandra is an avatāra, a descent of God, come to reveal himself to us here below. Rāmacandra descended together with his consort Sītā-devī. In his earthly pastime, Rāma, prince of Ayodhyā, won Sītā, the dark-eyed daughter of Janaka, king of Mithilā, as his bride. Thus a disclosure, and central plot-point, of Rāmāyaṇa is that God is not a bachelor.

As the Supreme Personality of Godhead, Lord Rāmacandra is not only a person but the embodiment of ultimate metaphysical principles as well. The Personality of Godhead is, as the Bhagavad-gītā says, paraṁ brahman” the “supreme Brahman.” Brahman is defined in the Vedānta-sutra 1.1.1. as janmādy-asya yataḥ “that from which everything emanates,” or the ultimate source of all energies. The entire creation, material and spiritual, is the energy of God. As Rāmacandra is the embodiment of Brahman, Sītā is the embodiment of the energy of Brahman, technically the svarūpa-śakti.

In the transcendent kingdom of God, Vaikuṇṭha, the Lord reigns in all opulence and greatness as Nārāyaṇa, “the abode of all beings;” his eternal consort is Mahā Lakṣmī, the “supreme Goddess of Fortune.” All the opulence and auspiciousness of the Lord’s kingdom abide in her. And she, in turn, belongs exclusively to him.

This divine pair descends into the material world as Sītā and Rāmacandra. The material world is part of the kingdom of God, but it is a sequestered region where fallen souls can deny or forget God. All are here because of envy of the Lord; the illusory energy, , enables the denial of reality by them and facilitates their endless, vain projects to dominate and enjoy all the recourse of nature.

Sītā and Rāmacandra descend to attract and enlighten the fallen souls.

In the drama that Sītā and Rāma enact for us, a palace intrigue is instigated that forces Rāma to go into exile on the very eve of his coronation. For fourteen years he must live in the wilderness. His brother Lakṣmaṇa and his wife Sītā elect to accompany him and share his hardship.

In their jungle camp, Sītā becomes abducted by Rāvaṇa, the wealthy, powerful, and breathtakingly ambitious tyrant of the island kingdom of Laṇkā.

ravana_carries_off_sita_dh97

The powerful and crafty Rāvaṇa, with ten heads and twenty arms, carries away Sītā.

Aggrieved and enraged, Rāma vows to recover Sītā, and eventually he is aided in this by a tribe of Vānaras, a monkey-like race; they are led by the powerful son of Vāyu, god of the wind. This is Hanumān, the proto-superhero who reveals himself as fully devoted servant of Rāma.

Sītā-Rāma, Lakṣmaṇa, and Hanumān are worshiped together in temples. Here they are as they appear in ISKCON’s popular Juhu, Mumbai temple:

srlh-juhu-2

Rāmacandra, in the center, is the Supreme Personality of Godhead. Sītā, standing on his left, is his internal spiritual potency, svarūpa-śakti. On Rāma’s right is his brother Lakṣmaṇa, who is the Lord’s plenary expansion. And Hanumān, offering obeisance at their feet, is the Lord’s pure devotee. Belonging to the category of the innumerable eternal spirit souls (vas) who comprise the Lord’s marginal potency, Hanumān exemplifies the fully liberated or enlightened va.

Sītā belongs by the side of Rāma, just as Lakṣmī is always with Nārāyaṇa. Yet Lakṣmī has long been worshiped and prayed to separately from Nārāyaṇa, invoked as the goddess of fortune to bless the petitioner with wealth and good luck. Here is Lakṣmī in that aspect:

lakshmi-devi

It is not too difficult to see a path from this to the more secular icon of American gamblers, a much-venerated personage typically decorated with standard symbols:

lady-luck-with-symbols

In a similar fashion, Hanumān has been popularly worshiped independently of Rāma for a long time. Typically he is propitiated in order to gain physical strength. Once, while exploring the spacious Jagannātha Vallabha gardens in Purī, I came upon a small temple to Hanumānji. His image on the altar seemed to be well cared for by a team of jārīs, all young men wearing brahmacarī saffron over their bulked up bodies. When not engaged in jā, they spent their time diligently exercising, lifting weights, and practicing martial arts.

Next to our temple in Juhu there is a municipal vest-pocket park maintained by ISKCON. It has an attractive oval walking path, paved in ocher tile, used by many locals for daily constitutionals. In the evenings, devotees chanting japa join them. On one side, a playground with good equipment attracts an animated crowd of yelling children. Next to the playground, a long shed-like building fills up with young men and boys strenuously working out with weights. They don’t neglect to pay their respects to Hanumān, who occupies an altar in a small room set aside for him.

Hanumān’s growing world-wide popularity recently elicited a long article in the in-flight magazine of Jet Airways, which I read with interest while flying from Kolkata to Mumbai.

In Trinidad, members of the Indian community have constructed an eighty-five-foot high outdoor statue of Hanumān. The abhiśeka, or ritual bathing, necessitates a unique innovation:

85-hanuman-in-trinadad-bathed-by-helicopter

Hanumān is the hero of “Hanumān Returns,” a 2007 full-length Hindi animated film:

cartoon-hanuman-2

And there is—how could there not be?—a Hanumān action figure:

hanuman-action-figure

And so the world, in various ways, implicitly or explicitly disassociate Lakṣmī and Hanumān from Rāma, and by so doing lose access to the meaning of Rāmāyaṇa.

Hanumān is indeed our hero, our exemplar, our role model. And Sītā or Lakṣmī-devī requires our deepest veneration. Here, commenting on Śrīmad Bhāgavatam (2.7.23) Prabhupāda reveals the secret:

Sītā is Lakṣmīji, or the goddess of fortune, but she is never to be enjoyed by any living being. She is meant for being worshiped by the living being along with her husband, Śrī Rāmacandra. A materialistic man like Rāvaṇa does not understand this great truth, but on the contrary he wants to snatch Sītādevī from the custody of Rāma and thus incurs great miseries. The materialists, who are after opulence and material prosperity, may take lessons from the Rāmāyaṇa that the policy of exploiting the nature of the Lord without acknowledging the supremacy of the Supreme Lord is the policy of Rāvaṇa. Rāvaṇa was very advanced materially, so much so that he turned his kingdom, Laṅkā, into pure gold or full material wealth. But because he did not recognize the supremacy of Lord Rāmacandra and defied Him by stealing His wife, Sītā, Rāvaṇa was killed, and all his opulence and power were destroyed.

In a lecture on Bhagavad-gītā 2.6 (London, August 6, 1973), Prabhupāda expounds on the role of Hanumān:

So Hanumān, a great fighter, fought with Rāvaṇa, but not for his personal interest. The interest was how to get out Sītāji from the hands of Rāvaṇa, kill the whole family and get out, and let her sit down on the side of Rāmacandra. This is the policy of Hanumān, of devotees. And the Rāvaṇa policy is “Take away Sītā from the clutches of Rāma and enjoy her.” This is Rāvaṇa policy. And the Hanumān policy is: “Take out Sītā from the hands of Rāvaṇa and get her seated by the side of Rāma.” The same Sītā. Sītā means Lakṣmī, wealth. So Lakṣmī means Nārāyaṇa’s property, God’s property.

In other words: All natural resources, all the bounty of nature, does not belong to us but to God, just as Sītā belongs Rāma. Any who attempt to exploit those resources for their own gain and aggrandizement, are like Rāvaṇa, advancing their own project to compete with God. They will invariably lose; their wealth and opulence will prove illusory. The sacred and heroic task appointed to the godly, then, is to see that all the world’s wealth and resources are restored to the their rightful owner, as Hanumān restored Sītā to the side of Rāmacandra. Note that in battling Rāvaṇa for Sītā, Hanumān was innocent of any desire of her for himself. This is what is meant by saying he is Rāma’s pure servant.

In its avarice for global economic development, the world has increasingly taken to the policy of Rāvaṇa; it will not be able to understand the secret of Rāmāyaṇa. Yet we have also recently seen wealth counted in billions and billions of dollars suddenly vanish into thin air. Prabhupāda gives the reason:

Riches come from Lakṣmī, the goddess of fortune, and the goddess of fortune is the property of Nārāyaṇa, the Supreme Personality of Godhead. The goddess of fortune cannot stay anywhere but by the side of Nārāyaṇa; therefore another of her names is Cañcalā, restless. She cannot be peaceful unless she is in the company of her husband, Nārāyaṇa. For example, Lakṣmī was carried away by the materialistic Rāvaṇa. Rāvaṇa kidnapped Sītā, the goddess of fortune belonging to Lord Rāma. As a result, Rāvaṇa’s entire family, opulence and kingdom were smashed, and Sītā, the goddess of fortune, was recovered from his clutches and reunited with Lord Rāma. Thus all property, riches and wealth belong to Kṛṣṇa.

Everyone now feels tremors that we fear are the first rumblings of kingdoms smashing. Many hope President Barack Obama can save us. It is interesting, in this regard, that the President happens to always carry a talisman of Hanumān, acquired when he lived in Indonesia:

barack-obama-hanuman-statue-copy

Is it too much to hope that he can come to understand the meaning of Rāmāyaṇa and follow in the footsteps of Hanumān? We can pray.

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Flowers of Devotion

Kairava

Spanning the cusp between the 15th and 16th centuries, Śrī Caitanya Mahāprabhu taught and exemplified complete absorption in divine love through the chanting of the names of God. Mahāprabhu propagated a spiritual discipline that carries the guided practitioner through clearly demarcated stages, beginning with a tentative interest (adau śraddhā) and culminating in an extraordinary exultation of ecstatic spiritual emotions (prema). Mahāprabhu succinctly conveyed this whole adventure in a sequence of eight instructive verses (Śikṣāṣṭaka).

The first of these verses is, in essence, a promise by the author: when the chanting of the name of Kṛṣṇa is fully accomplished, all anomalies and impediments being weeded out (vijayate śri-kṛṣṇa-saṁkīrtanam), the chanter will have experienced seven benedictions or blessings. The aspirant should therefore have faith (śraddhā) in this promise—a guarantee, really. . . .

Mahāprabhu proclaims: “Let there be all victory,” vijayate, for śri-kṛṣṇa-saṁkīrtanam, the consummate practice of the glorification of Kṛṣṇa’s name. Kīrtana means praising, chanting, and so on. The prefix saṁ- indicates that kīrtana is undertaken together, as a social activity; saṁ- also means that the kīrtana is done in a way that is thorough or complete. There is a process for cultivating the divine names, and saṁkīrtana indicates the culmination of that process—when undertaken in the association of devotees, it reaches its full consummation.

Vijayate śri-kṛṣṇa-saṁkīrtanam: These words conclude the verse. The text proceeding them sets forth the seven blessings in the form of predicates that describe or elucidate this saṁkīrtanam. (I’m using “predicate” in its logical rather than its grammatical sense. In logic, a “predicate” is simply something affirmed or asserted about a given subject.)  This text achieves a power poetic effect by having all the predicates precede the subject; when the subject is finally announced, the whole meaning of the text is revealed with the single dazzling of a lightning-flash.

Here I just want to share something I’ve learned about the third blessing or benediction. Over the years, I have found the close and detailed study of Śikṣāṣṭaka to be ever rewarding. I will often spend several days or even weeks meditating on a single phrase or verse, for example, and uncover deeper meaning and significance.

Sometimes the text presents the sort of puzzle or problem that sets off some research. This is what happened with the third blessing or benediction.

The first three benedictions take the form of increasingly complex predicates. So before I get to the third, let me just mention the first two.

First: ceto-darpana-marjanam. In Sanskrit, these three words combined form a single compound, a descriptive phrase in grammatical apposition to the final  śri-kṛṣṇa-saṁkīrtanam.  This first predicate says that saṁkīrtana is that which cleanses (marjanam) the mirror (darpana) of consciousness or intelligence (cetas). Our inward awareness is intended to reflect reality clearly, like a well-polished mirror. But now that mirror of our awareness has become befouled and besmirched by the accumulated crud of lifetimes. What can we see?

dirty-mirror-2

Saṁkīrtana is the transcendent cleanser that  restores our consciousness to its original flawless and pristine condition. Then we can directly perceive what is always immediately before us: Kṛṣṇa.

Second: bhava-mahā-dāvāgni-nirvāpaṇam. In the second metaphor, our material existence (bhava) is likened to a huge (mahā) forest fire (dāvāgni). Saṁkīrtana is the extinguisher (nirvāpaṇam) of that blazing fire. The material world is the burning forest itself. If we find ourselves engulfed by a monstrous forest fire, terror and suffering are our only fate. The conflagration engulfing us is so monstrous no human efforts can deliver us.

forest-fire

Yet suddenly, the sky opens up, and rain come pouring down, and we are saved.  Saṁkīrtana is that rain.

Interestingly, the word nirvāpaṇam (that which causes extinction) is derived from the causative form of the Sanskrit verbal root nir-vā, meaning to put out or extinguish. This same verbal root is the source of the word nirvāṇa. (Thanks to Dvijamaṇi Prabhu for this.)

Now we come to the third benediction: śreyaḥ-kairava-candrikā-vitaraṇam. Here, the word śreyas denotes one’s ultimate benefit. In his tranlation of this verse Prabhupāda rendered it as “good fortune,” but in similar contexts elsewhere he tended to translate śreyas as “supreme benefit,” “ultimate good,” and “eternal good fortune.” He often elucidated the word by contrasting it with the word preyas. For example:

It is a child’s nature to engage all day and night in playing, not caring even for his health and other important concerns. This is an example of preyas, or immediately beneficial activities. But there are also śreyas, or activities which are ultimately auspicious. According to Vedic civilization, a human being must be God conscious. He should understand what God is, what this material world is, who he is, and what their interrelationships are. This is called śreyas, or ultimately auspicious activity.

In the Śikṣāṣṭaka metaphor, our śreyas is compared with a kairava, a “white lotus,” as it is usually translated. The next word in the compound, candrikā, means moonlight, and the final word vitaraṇam means that which emits or spreads. What spreads moonlight is none other than the moon.

The kairava, according to the Monier-Williams dictionary,  is “the white lotus-flower (blossoming at night).” . In fact, the dictionary gives, as an appellation of the moon,  the compound word kairava-bandhu, “friend of the [kairava] lotus-flower.” In order to blossom, the kairava depends upon the kindness of the moon.

Thus this third metaphor states that saṁkīrtana makes our eternal good fortune manifest, just like the waxing moon, producing a pale and cooling light which spreading throughout the woodlands, causes the white-lotus flower to open its petals.

At one point, I became captivated by the imagery of this line. On trips to India, I asked various devotees what they knew about the night-blooming kairava. A few said they’d heard that the plant was actually not a lotus. The blossoms of the lotus open up during the day, and close up at night, whereas the kairava blossom shuts during the day and opened at night.

In time, I was able to confirm that they are correct.

The lotus, strictly speaking—the “sacred lotus” of India—is the Nelumbo nucifera.  Characteristically, it is pink in color and has a distinctive pericarp or seed pod. It is called padma in Sanskrit, and its blossom open up in sunlight, as we can see from a epithet of the sun: padma-bandhu, friend of the lotus.

padma

Padma or “Sacred lotus”

The kairva, strictly speaking, is not a lotus (genus Nelumbo), but a lily, belonging to the Nymphaea genus. However, its specific scientific name is Nymphaea lotus, a nomenclature that probably both reflects confusion and adds to it as well. The kairava’s common names in English include: Egyptian Lotus, Egyptian Water-Lily, Tiger Lotus, Tropical Night-Blooming Water Lily, Waterlily, White Egyptian Lotus, White Lotus, White Water-Lily.

The Tropical Night-blooming White Water-lily (I’m fond of this name) is highly prized for its stunning beauty and fragrance.

These pictures show its beauty, and the last one even attests to its fragrance.

kairava-1

kairava-2

kairava-3

Now I can more fully appreciate Mahāprabhu’s blessing: Love for Kṛṣṇa, opening like the kairava flower under the soothing rays of the bright moon of saṁkīrtana, will present to the world its own captivating beauty and fragrance, just as the kairava ornaments the night with the white stars of its blossoms and suffuses the woodland glades and bowers with its intoxicating aroma.

Atasī

In the Bhāgavatam (11.5.27) the yogendra Karabhājana tells King Nimi that the Lord descends in Dvāpara-yuga with a complexion of dark blue color (śyāma). This statement is amplified in the purport: “The Lord’s transcendental body in Dvāpara-yuga can be compared to the color of a dark blue flower.” We may wonder, “What dark blue flower?” It turns out that this same Bhāgavatam verse is quoted by Mahāprabhu to Sanātana Gosvāmī, and there Prabhupāda comments: “The śyāma color is not exactly blackish. Śrīla Bhaktisiddhānta Sarasvatī Thākura compares it to the color of the atasī flower.”

Monier-Williams tells us that the atasī is the “common flax, Linum usitatissimum.”  This highly useful, long cultivated plant provides the fiber that are the source of linen fabrics. Its seeds are rich in lignans and Omega-3 fatty acids, beneficial to health. The flower of the common flax, it turns out, is light blue. However, there is one variety of flax (Linum perenne, the “perennial flax”) that does bear a dark blue flower. This, then, seems to be the śyāma in Śyāmasundara (“dark blue and beautiful”) Kṛṣṇa:

linum-perenne

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Superbird

In Sanskrit the word haṁsa is the name for both a bird and an advanced yogī. The bird has such estimable qualities that its very name became applied to the spiritual practitioner.

In English, Prabhupāda followed a well-established convention and rendered haṁsa as “swan.” The advanced yogī or devotee is accordingly “swan-like.”

For example, Prabhupāda once remarked, in reference to his disciples: “So Kṛṣṇa consciousness means swan-like, they should be like swans. Their behavior should be like swans. They should live in clean place, at refreshing place.”

In this second usage, haṁsa has probably become most generally encountered when prefixed by the superlative parama, meaning “highest,” best,” and so on.  Strictly speaking, paramahaṁsa denotes the highest of the four ranks of sannyāsa (see ŚBh 5.1.27, purport), but it is used in more general sense to describe the best of the sages or devotees.

We often see the word placed as a title before the names of a variety of spiritual teachers.

If dedicated transcendentalists are compared to swans, it should come as no surprise that committed materialists are likened to crows. The Bhāgavatam (1.5.10) describes worldly literature as vāyasaṁ tīrtham—a pilgrimage site for crows, that is to say, a garbage pile. In his commentary to this text, Prabhupāda elaborates on the bird metaphor:

Crows and swans are not birds of the same feather because of their different mental attitudes. The fruitive workers or passionate men are compared to the crows, whereas the all-perfect saintly persons are compared to the swans. The crows take pleasure in a place where garbage is thrown out, just as the passionate fruitive workers take pleasure in wine and woman and places for gross sense pleasure. The swans do not take pleasure in the places where crows are assembled for conferences and meetings. They are instead seen in the atmosphere of natural scenic beauty where there are transparent reservoirs of water nicely decorated with stems of lotus flowers in variegated colors of natural beauty. That is the difference between the two classes of birds.

A special talent traditionally attributed to the haṁsa is said to be the basis of the extension of the avian name to a spiritually advanced person. Prabhupāda explains (Kṛṣṇa chapter 85):

The word paramahaṁsa mentioned here means “the supreme swan.” It is said that the swan can draw milk from a mixture of milk and water; it can take only the milk portion and reject the watery portion. Similarly, a person who can draw out the spiritual portion from this material world and who can live alone, depending only on the Supreme Spirit, not on the material world, is called a paramahaṁsa.

Even one of the avatāras of the Lord bears the name “Haṁsa.”

Therefore, after all this, it may come as a shock to discover that the avian haṁsa is, in fact, a goose—in taxonomical nomenclature, the anser indicus, known otherwise as the “bar-headed goose.”

As we shall see, the haṁsa—the anser indicus—is an extraordinary,  amazing bird fully qualified to give its name to great devotees and even to the Lord himself. So why then the English “swan?”

The reason can only be that in English-speaking countries, the goose has long been the subject of very bad p.r.  So much so, that the very word “goose” has come to be synonymous with “fool” or “idiot.”

Even proverbially, the goose has suffered invidious comparison with the swan, as, for example, in this still remembered observation—made in 1786—by Horace Walpole, Fourth Earl of Oxford, concerning the painter Sir Joshua Reynolds : “All his own geese are swans, as the swans of others are geese.”

Two centuries later, the goose received the same unfavorable evaluation in popular lines by Charles Kingsley:

When all the world is young, lad,
And all the trees are green;
And every goose a swan, lad,
And every lass a queen. . . .

It’s no wonder, then, that the only good translation, connotatively speaking, for haṁsa is “swan.” It’s a no-brainer, really: Consider the expressions “goose-like great sage,” or “top-most goose-like devotee.” They just don’t do the job.

Nevertheless, it is time we end this historic discrimination and rehabilitate the goose. Especially the haṁsa. Of course, this effort was pioneered in the celebrated 2001 documentary Winged Migration, in which the haṁsa itself takes a cameo star-turn (see the beginning of Chapter 7 in the DVD).

The actual haṁsaanser indicus or bar-headed goose—is in its own right the perfect emblem and symbol for the greatest of transcendentalists.

Like the swan (Cygnus), it is beautiful . . .

hamsa-on-shore

. . . and likewise graceful in water:

two-hamsas-on-water

In fact, you can see from this photograph why Europeans could take the haṁsa for a kind of swan.

In flight, the haṁsa is spectacular:

hamsa-in-flight

flying-barheads3

Interestingly, the Wikipedia article notes of the haṁsa: “It has sometimes been separated from Anser, which has no other member indigenous to the Indian region, nor any at all to the Ethiopian, Australian, or Neotropical regions, and placed in the monotypic genus Eulabeia.”

A “mon0typic genus” is a genus that contains only one species. In other words, the haṁsa is in a class by itself. And not a goose (Anser). I don’t know who came up with the name Eulabeia, but it is appropriate: According to a lexicon of New Testament Greek, eulabia means “reverence toward God.”

Haṁsas are “super birds,” in the judgment of S. Marsh Tenney, a professor of physiology who has studied them extensively. “They do everything even better than other birds.” He is quoted in an article in Audubon magazine by Lily Whiteman, who gives quite an account of the birds’ annual prodigious feat:

At 29,028 feet, Mount Everest is tall enough to poke into the jet stream, a high-altitude river of wind that blows at speeds of more than 200 miles an hour. Temperatures on the mountain can plummet low enough to freeze exposed flesh instantly. Its upper reaches offer only a third of the oxygen available at sea level—so little that if you could be transported instantly from sea level to Everest’s summit, without time to acclimatize, you would probably lose consciousness within minutes. Kerosene cannot burn here; helicopters cannot fly here. Yet every spring, flocks of bar-headed geese—the world’s highest-altitude migrants—fly from their winter feeding grounds in the lowlands of India through the Himalayan range, sometimes even directly above Everest, on their way to their nesting grounds in Tibet. Then every fall these birds retrace their route to India. With a little help from tailwinds, they may be able to cover the one-way trip—more than 1,000 miles—in a single day.

In other words, the haṁsa when migrating flies at about the normal cruising altitude for passenger jets.

Moreover, by using tailwinds, the geese capitalize on weather that could pulverize lesser creatures. “These birds are powerful flappers, not soarers that just glide with the wind,” says M.R. Fedde, an emeritus professor of anatomy and physiology at Kansas State University’s School of Veterinary Medicine, who has conducted laboratory studies of the bar-headed goose’s respiratory system. Partly because their wings are huge, have a disproportionately large surface area for their weight, and are pointed to reduce wind resistance, “they can fly over 50 miles an hour on their own power,” Fedde says. “Add the thrust of tailwinds of perhaps 100 miles an hour if they are lucky, and these birds really move.” Able to gauge and correct for drift, bar-headed geese can even fly in crosswinds without being blown off course. The same powerful and unremitting flapping that helps propel them over the mountains also generates body heat, which is retained by their down feathers. This heat, in turn, helps keep ice from building up on their wings.

(Here is the complete article, with more wonders of the bird and some speculation so far-fetched it only deepens the mysteries of the haṁsa.)

We hear of great yogīs and sages in past ages retiring to the Himalayan mountain fastness to practice severe austerities as they sought the divine in profound and prolonged meditation. It is said that by power of yoga practice, these paramahaṁsas could greatly reduce their respiration, thereby slowing their metabolism; they could at will increase their bodily heat. Thus remaining in a remote place which provided them with neither air, nor food, nor heat, they pursued their spiritual goal with unwavering determination.

(By the way: Even though we can hardly imitate them today, we can apply their principles practically—at least according to the directions of Bhāgavad-gītā, which set forth what is, in effect,  a domestication of the path of transcendence. You don’t have to go to the Himalayas: you can do it right at home.)

Yet even for us, the prodigious, Himalayan-traversing haṁsa is a fitting emblem and symbol for the paramahaṁsa, the great, heroic athletes of the spirit in whose footsteps we should follow.  Let us therefore cherish the memory not only of the human paramahaṁsa but of the bird haṁsa as well.

And compared to the haṁsa, the swan is nothing but a goose.

three-hamsas-flying

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The Kṛṣṇa-Approaching Body

Here is an excerpt from a lecture by Śrīla Prabhupāda on Śrīmad-Bhāgavatam 2.1.1. It was delivered in New York, on April 10, 1969. (Some comments follow the excerpt.)

As soon as I am desiring something, immediately my body is formed. Immediately a particular type of body begins to form, and as soon as I am mature to change, my next body I get according to my desire. Therefore we should always desire Kṛṣṇa. Then from this life, the Kṛṣṇa-approaching body or the spiritual body will be formed. The more you become sincere servant of Kṛṣṇa, the more your body becomes Kṛṣṇaized, electrified. Therefore advanced Kṛṣṇa conscious person is considered to have a spiritual body. The same example, as I have given several times: just like iron rod. You put into the fire, it becomes warmer, warmer. The more it is connected with fire, it becomes warm, warm, warm. And at last it becomes red hot, so that at that time, if that iron is touched to any other thing, it burns. It does not act as iron; it acts as fire. Similarly, by this Kṛṣṇa consciousness, continuous chanting, you will make your body spiritualized. At that time, wherever you go, wherever you touch, he’ll be spiritualized. Similarly, the iron: Without being spiritualized, without being red hot, if you touch, it will not act.

So every one of us, those who have come to this Kṛṣṇa consciousness movement, expected to preach in the future and to become a spiritual master also in the future. But first of all you must spiritualize yourself; otherwise it is useless. So kṛṣṇa-śakti vinā nahe. Without— Just like without being red hot, you cannot burn any other thing. Similarly, without being fully spiritualized, you cannot make others spiritualized. Therefore we have to follow the paramparā system. The disciplic succession, as we get the knowledge, as we get the power, as we get the instruction, so we have to follow. That will help me to spiritualize myself. And when you are spiritualized. . . . You’ll have to wait for that time. Then, wherever you will preach, the result will be there.

pen-line-4

“As soon as I am desiring something, immediately my body is formed. Immediately a particular type of body begins to form, and as soon as I am mature to change, my next body I get according to my desire.”

Here Prabhupāda alludes to the normal workings of karma, according to which an embodied living being transmigrates from one life-form to another, then another. Prabhupāda bases his statement on Kṛṣṇa’s description in Bhagavad-gītā (15.8-10):

The living entity in the material world carries his different conceptions of life from one body to another as the air carries aromas. Thus he takes one kind of body and again quits it to take another. The living entity, thus taking another gross body, obtains a certain type of ear, eye, tongue, nose and sense of touch, which are grouped about the mind. He thus enjoys a particular set of sense objects. . . . One whose eyes are trained in knowledge can see all this.

“As soon as I desire something, immediately my body is formed,” Prabhupāda says, pointing out that the subtle laws of nature are at work every moment, unseen by us. When I develop some particular desire, simultaneously I am developing a future or potential material body to satisfy that desire. When the time is ripe—“mature to change”—I leave this body and assume the new body, already prepared and awaiting me in its potential form. It becomes actualized, endowing me with the particular set of instruments of knowledge and action to fulfill my desires.

Therefore we should always desire Kṛṣṇa. Then from this life, the Kṛṣṇa-approaching body or the spiritual body will be formed.

The process of karma in the material realm is one manifestation of a more general principle: Kṛṣṇa—the Supersoul, the overseer and the permitter—fulfills each soul’s desire. If we desire to enjoy independently of Kṛṣṇa, and we acquire through karma bodies with senses to facilitate the satisfaction of all kinds of desires. (That is the reason there are so many varieties of life-forms on this planet.)

If we “desire Kṛṣṇa” then during this very life our body will be transformed into a form that will enable us to draw near to and interact with Kṛṣṇa: a “Kṛṣṇa-approaching body” or “spiritual body.”

We may safely assume that we have acquired a material body for the purpose of separation from Kṛṣṇa. Yet because we have attained a human form, our bodies have the potential for transfiguration or transmutation:

The more you become sincere servant of Kṛṣṇa, the more your body becomes Kṛṣṇaized, electrified. Therefore advanced Kṛṣṇa conscious person is considered to have a spiritual body.

If I touch a live electrical wire, not only do I feel the shock, but my body itself becomes a conductor of electricity: it has become “electrified.” Similarly, when I contact Kṛṣṇa with my present material body, that body becomes “Kṛṣṇaized.”

Bhakti-yoga is the discipline of connecting the present body—yoga literally means “connection”—to Kṛṣṇa by means of devotional service (bhakti). Here is the classic definition from therada-pañcarātra: hṛṣīkeṇa hṛṣīkeśa- sevanaṁ bhaktir ucyate: “Bhakti means engaging all our senses in the service of the Lord, the masters of all the senses.”

How is it possible to bring our senses into contact with Kṛṣṇa? He makes himself accessible in this world even to our present materially afflicted senses through a variety of ways: first of all, his names, the nāma-avatāra:

Janmashtami

Then as His form for worship in the temple, the ārcā-avatāra:

radha-saradbihari

And in the form of books:

bhagavata-purana-set-7

And of food spiritualized by having first been enjoyed by the Lord:

festival-prasadam

When the senses become engaged and absorbed in various ways in the Lord, who has made himself so accessible, these senses become “Kṛṣṇaized.” As engagement becomes progressively more complete and uninterrupted, our material body becomes capable of directly apprehending Kṛṣṇa and interacting with Kṛṣṇa: a “spiritual body.”

In the kingdom of God, Kṛṣṇa and the liberated devotee—both present to each other in spiritual forms—engage in various transactions of love. In these forms there is no difference between the soul, the mind, and the body, and each sense or part can perform the function of every other sense or part. As a devotee practicing in this world—in his sādhaka-deha—becomes advanced, that human form becomes capable of full transcendent experience. At the same time, the devotee’s eternal spiritual identity—the siddha-deha—also becomes manifest; the devotee in that transcendent form will continue to serve Kṛṣṇa even after his dhaka-deha has ceased.

The advanced devotees in this world, no longer animated by their past karma, but solely by Kṛṣṇa’s desire, are present in a spiritualized material body. Prabhupāda elsewhere compares such a body to a gold-plated box. For all practical purposes, it is as good as the siddha-deha, the solid gold box. Although the dhaka-deha may seem to exhibit the afflictions common to material bodies, there is no impediment or inconvenience to the service of the devotee.

The same example, as I have given several times: just like iron rod. You put into the fire, it becomes warmer, warmer. The more it is connected with fire, it becomes warm, warm, warm. And at last it becomes red hot, so that at that time, if that iron is touched to any other thing, it burns. It does not act as iron; it acts as fire. Similarly, by this Kṛṣṇa consciousness, continuous chanting, you will make your body spiritualized.

Iron, made red hot in fire, acts just like fire. Although it is a form of earth, it is as good as fire.


At that time, wherever you go, wherever you touch, he’ll be spiritualized. Similarly, the iron: Without being spiritualized, without being red hot, if you touch, it will not act.

As red-hot iron has the power to make a fire, a devotee with spiritualized body can also spiritualize others.

So every one of us, those who have come to this Kṛṣṇa consciousness movement, expected to preach in the future and to become a spiritual master also in the future. But first of all you must spiritualize yourself; otherwise it is useless. So kṛṣṇa-śakti vinā nahe. Without— Just like without being red hot, you cannot burn any other thing. Similarly, without being fully spiritualized, you cannot make others spiritualized. Therefore we have to follow the paramparā system. The disciplic succession, as we get the knowledge, as we get the power, as we get the instruction, so we have to follow. That will help me to spiritualize myself.

Here is Prabhupāda’s desire for his disciples: by following his directions, they become spiritualized. Then those disciples will have the power to spiritualize others.

He quotes from Caitanya-caritamṛta (Anya-līla 7.11) Vallabha Bhaṭṭa’s statement to Lord Caitanya:

kali-kālera dharma—kṛṣṇa-nāma-saṅkīrtana
kṛṣṇa
akti vinā nahe tāra pravartana

“The spiritual practice established for this Kali-yuga is the chanting of the name of Kṛṣṇa. That practice cannot be propagated unless one is empowered by Kṛṣṇa’s spiritual potency.”

That potency is passed down from Lord Caitanya through the chain of disciplic succession:

Therefore we have to follow the paramparā system. The disciplic succession, as we get the knowledge, as we get the power, as we get the instruction, so we have to follow. That will help me to spiritualize myself. And when you are spiritualized. . . . You’ll have to wait for that time. Then, wherever you will preach, the result will be there.

Before I encountered the Kṛṣṇa consciousness movement, I was engaged in graduate religious studies in a university. One day a professor remarked: “The issue is not whether or not God exists. The issue is whether or not God is available.”

After some thought, I agreed with him: If God is available, that settles the existence question. And if God exists but is not available, what difference does it make?

When a little later I came into contact with Kṛṣṇa’s devotees, the availability question became overwhelming settled.

Here Prabhupāda tells us how God becomes available to us, and—what is more—how we can also make God available to others.

That is the “Kṛṣṇa-approaching body.”


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